El gobierno de Jair Bolsonaro fue una época oscura para los movimientos sociales en Brasil. Desde el regreso de Lula, los movimientos han recuperado su papel, no solo en las calles, sino también en la formulación de las políticas gubernamentales.
Vitória Genuino, Secretaria de Juventud en el gobierno de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, se forjó como activista de base en el Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto (MTST, Movimiento de Trabajadores sin Techo), punta de lanza de la lucha por una vivienda digna y la justicia social. El fin de semana pasado estuvo en Barcelona para participar en la reunión de la Movilización Progresista Global, que reunió a jefes de gobierno de izquierda y centroizquierda como Lula, el colombiano Gustavo Petro, la mexicana Claudia Sheinbaum y el propio primer ministro de España, Pedro Sánchez. En la conferencia habló sobre la movilización de la juventud y su trabajo en Brasil.
En entrevista con Pablo Castaño para Jacobin, Genuino habló sobre las oportunidades y contradicciones de pasar de los movimientos sociales a la política institucional. También hace un balance del gobierno de Lula a pocos meses de las elecciones generales de octubre, en las que el veterano líder del Partido dos Trabalhadores se medirá con Flávio Bolsonaro, hijo del expresidente de extrema derecha.
Trump busca convertir a América Latina en el paraíso de los inversores/ La administración Trump está forzando a los gobiernos latinoamericanos a someterse a tribunales de arbitraje que otorgan a las multinacionales el extraordinario poder de demandar a los Estados que nacionalizan recursos o simplemente aumentan el salario mínimo, si esto se percibe como una amenaza a las ganancias de los inversores.
Lula puede perder/ En Brasil e abrió un nuevo panorama político, aún más desfavorable y los enemigos de los trabajadores tienen una poderosa base social. La reelección no se gana negociando con el Centrão: se gana en la calle.
El capitalismo infravalora el trabajo de las mujeres/ Las mujeres estamos sobrerrepresentadas en los trabajos mal remunerados, las tareas de cuidado y el trabajo no remunerado. Nuestro tiempo, cuerpos y energía emocional son recursos para el capital. Para triunfar, el feminismo debe enfrentar al sistema económico que estructura esas desigualdades.
Una economía política real de la tecnología /La izquierda no puede limitarse a imaginar una planificación digital más eficiente: debe preguntarse qué formas de innovación, deliberación y poder social podrían orientar la tecnología hacia fines democráticos. Aaron Benanav le responde a Evgeny Morozov y reabre el debate sobre el socialismo, la automatización y el futuro de la abundancia.
El capitalismo se construyó sobre las ruinas de los comunes/ El principal producto de la Revolución Industrial no fueron las mercancías, sino una nueva clase social que no poseía nada más que su propia fuerza de trabajo para sobrevivir. El historiador Peter Linebaugh analiza el origen de la clase trabajadora a través del violento cercamiento de las tierras comunales de las que antes dependía.
Producción del cuerpo y racionalidad extractiva /La expansión del capital ya no necesita del descubrimiento de tierras inexploradas: encuentra nuevos territorios en el cuerpo y la subjetividad. Y comienza a explotarlos desde los primeros años de vida.
¿Podemos salir de nuestro momento hiperpolítico?/ En las democracias occidentales de hoy, la polarización política intensa es la norma y las protestas masivas no son infrecuentes. Sin embargo, la gente común sigue lejos de las palancas del poder.
El capital. Crítica de la economía política
Por Gabriel Rivas Castro
La traducción de Wenceslao Roces convirtió El capital en una herramienta de masas para América Latina, llevando por primera vez la principal obra de Marx a millones de lectores hispanohablantes con rigor científico y alcance político.
Hacia 1898, año de la edición pionera de Juan B. Justo en Argentina de su primero tomo traducido del alemán, El capital era patrimonio de círculos reducidos: cuadros militantes, sociedades de lectura, minorías obreras con acceso a bibliotecas sindicales. Las primeras versiones habían circulado a partir de la edición francesa preparada por Joseph Roy -nunca del alemán original- y respondían a las urgencias de distintas corrientes del movimiento obrero: socialistas, anarquistas, comunistas (Tarcus, 2018). Todavía en 1935, cuando Manuel Pedroso publicó su propia versión en la editorial del señor Aguilar en Madrid, el universo lector hispanoparlante seguía siendo reducido y disperso. El libro que Marx había escrito para armar a la clase obrera con la ciencia de su propia condición no disponía aún en castellano de una edición sistemática, completa y científicamente confiable. Eso cambiaría en 1946.
Wenceslao Roces nació en 1897 en Soto de Sobrescobio, en la cuenca minera asturiana, y murió en Ciudad de México en 1992, fundiéndose en la cultura latinoamericana. Formado como jurista en Oviedo y Madrid, doctorado con premio extraordinario en Alemania y titular de la cátedra de Derecho Romano en Salamanca, en 1924 es apartado de la enseñanza por la dictadura de Primo de Rivera. En el período de ostracismo que siguió, Roces se volcó a la traducción.
El Diploma Superior tiene como propósito ofrecer una comprensión crítica y profunda de las mutaciones recientes en las formas de dominación capitalista, situando en el centro del análisis el ascenso de la extrema derecha en el contexto de la crisis del neoliberalismo. Lejos de ser un fenómeno coyuntural, estas derechas expresan transformaciones estructurales en el orden político, económico y cultural, capaces de articular discursos reaccionarios con demandas populares, erosionando derechos y libertades conquistadas. Comprender su emergencia, su lógica de acción y sus bases sociales resulta imprescindible para quienes buscan construir alternativas democráticas y emancipadoras.
Lucy Ella Gonzales Parsons, a working-class leader and spouse of one of the Haymarket martyrs, died March 7, 1942 in Chicago.
File photo.
Lucy Ella Gonzales was born in Texas in 1853 of African-American, Mexican and Native-American ancestry. She worked for the Freedmen’s Bureau after the Civil War. She married Albert Parsons and both fought for African-American voting rights and against the KKK lynch terror. Threats forced them to flee Texas and they settled in Chicago in 1873 where Lucy became a dressmaker and an early organizer of the garment workers’ union. Albert worked for a newspaper until his union activities led to his dismissal.
Albert Parsons was one of eight labor leaders framed and tried for the Haymarket bombing, which is generally attributed to a police provocateur. Albert Parsons wasn’t even present at Haymarket, but was caring for the couple’s two children while Lucy Parsons was organizing a meeting of garment workers. After the Haymarket frame-up, Lucy led the campaign to free her husband.
The late labor history scholar Bill Adelman wrote what is the definitive story of Haymarket. Read it here at the Illinois Labor History Society website.
A paragraph from his description indicates the significance of the event and the horrors that all involved endured:
“The next day martial law was declared, not just in Chicago but throughout the nation. Anti-labor governments around the world used the Chicago incident to crush local union movements. In Chicago, labor leaders were rounded up, houses were entered without search warrants and union newspapers were closed down. Eventually eight men, representing a cross section of the labor movement were selected to be tried. Among them were (Albert) Parsons and a young carpenter named Louis Lingg, who was accused of throwing the bomb. Lingg had witnesses to prove he was over a mile away at the time. The two-month-long trial ranks as one of the most notorious in American history. The Chicago Tribune even offered to pay money to the jury if it found the eight men guilty.”
Albert Parson was one of eight who were convicted and one of four hanged on November 11, 1887. In June of 1893, Illinois Governor John P. Altgeld pardoned the 3 men still alive and condemned the entire judicial system that had allowed this injustice. They are honored with a monument at Waldheim Cemetery, which Lucy Parsons led the fight to erect. (Her grave is located a few feet from the monument.)
Lucy Parsons, file photo
Lucy Parsons spent her life fighting for worker’s rights, civil liberties and against racism while raising their children after her husband’s execution. Her politics have been variously described as radical, socialist, anarchist and communist. She became involved in the International Labor Defense, fought for the freedom of Sacco and Vanzetti, Tom Mooney and the Scottsboro Nine.
She led many demonstrations of the unemployed, homeless and hungry, including a memorable 1915 Poor People’s March of the Unemployed of over 15,000 people in Chicago on January 17, 1915, where “Solidarity Forever” was sung for the first time. IWW songwriter Ralph Chaplin had finished writing “Solidarity Forever” two days prior. Marchers demanded relief from hunger and high levels of unemployment.
The demonstration also persuaded the American Federation of Labor, the Jane Addams’ Hull House, and the Socialist Party to participate in a subsequent, huge demonstration on February 12, 1915
For years Lucy Parsons was harassed by the Chicago Police Department, who often arrested her on phony charges to prevent her from speaking at mass meetings. Following her death in a suspicious fire at her home, the police and FBI confiscated all her personal papers and writings. But her fighting spirit and contributions to making this a better world will not be forgotten.
RNC and DNC: Two versions of anti-migrant policies.
The Republican National Convention, held in Milwaukee in July, was a blatant display of white supremacy and fascistic demagoguery regarding migrants. The Democratic National Convention, held in Chicago in August with a more inclusive and “progressive” façade, nevertheless presented a program that restricted the rights of migrants.
RNC and DNC: Two versions of anti-migrant policies
Regarding foreign policy, both parties supported jingoism and war-mongering, including backing Israel’s genocidal war against Palestine. This article, however, will focus on the two big imperialist parties’ rhetoric and program regarding migrants.
Despite the serious differences in their messaging rhetoric, both capitalist parties treated migrant families and undocumented workers as scapegoats, blaming them for the economic crisis and the difficulties faced by workers in the United States.
As in the prior two RNC gatherings, many speakers spewed hateful and fearmongering rhetoric against oppressed people, particularly immigrants and other non-U.S. citizens. RNC attendees waved signs that read, “Mass Deportations Now!”
Vitriolic bigotry was embedded in the RNC from beginning to end. For instance, the first two items of the preamble of its official 2024 program declare, “Seal the border and stop the migrant invasion,” and “Carry out the largest deportation operation in American history.” (MSNBC, July 19)
The RNC has historically espoused anti-immigrant slanders, and former President Donald Trump raised the pitch of those hateful views when he became the Republican Party’s 2016 presidential nominee. Trump repeatedly insulted undocumented workers with false charges. His campaign emboldened vicious reactionaries and encouraged violent attacks against migrant workers.
As the Republican Party’s 2024 presidential candidate, Trump is once again campaigning on a xenophobic and viciously anti-immigrant platform. Much like his 2016 and 2020 presidential runs, Trump is fixated on completing a racist “wall” at the U.S.-Mexico border. Unlike their Democratic Party counterparts, the Trump-led RNC has never even pretended public empathy towards migrants or refugees.
Democrats move to the right on immigration
In contrast to the RNC, the Democratic Party delegates and participants repeatedly tried to distance themselves from the blatant bigotry and toxic misogyny that was rampant throughout the RNC. Nearly every DNC speaker critically called out Trump by name.
While DNC speakers were less reactionary than RNC speakers, especially regarding domestic issues, there was a right-wing turn among the Democrats regarding immigration that even the corporate media noticed.
An Aug. 21 Newsweek article was entitled, “Democrats Show Rightward Shift on Immigration at the DNC.” The Los Angeles Times article that same day had this headline: “On Immigration, Democrats shift message to combat GOP attacks.”
The DNC featured several anti-migrant speakers who bragged about working with Congressional Republicans on a strict bipartisan “border security bill,” and they all blamed Trump for its failure to pass. At times, some DNC speakers sounded more like racist vigilantes and border agents than liberals rallying for an election victory.
One such speaker was Javier Salazar, the presiding sheriff of Bexar County, Texas. Dressed in his uniform and brandishing a badge on his chest, Salazer promised the DNC crowd that a Kamala Harris administration would be “tougher” on migration than another Trump administration. Salazar told the crowd, “Harris has been fighting border crime for years.” (San Antonio Report, Aug. 21)
One DNC keynote speaker who evoked anti-immigrant rhetoric was New York Congress Member Tom Souzzi. In fact, Souzzi flipped many Republican voters in his historically conservative Long Island district by campaigning against “sanctuary cities” and demonizing migrant families. He told the DNC delegates: “The border is broken. But this year, when Democrats and Republicans worked together to finally write new border laws, we were blocked.” (CBS News, Aug. 21)
Connecticut Senator Chris Murphy was another presenter who echoed similar statements as Salazar and Souzzi, blaming Trump for “killing” their “bipartisan border bill. Murphy said, “It would have had unanimous support if it weren’t for Donald Trump.” (Forbes, Aug. 23)
Desperate attempts to “one-up” Trump
Several corporate media outlets called attention to the stark difference in the DNC’s messaging on immigration compared with the 2020 convention. As an Aug. 21 CBS News article noted: “The 2020 platform did not reference any restrictions on asylum. On the contrary, Democrats promised to ‘protect and expand the existing asylum system and other humanitarian protections’ and ‘end Trump Administration policies that deny protected entry to asylum seekers.’”
In contrast, “The party platform adopted at the DNC this week … embraced limits on asylum, a marked departure from its more progressive immigration stances in 2020. … The (DNC) 2024 platform says Democrats support quickly deporting economic migrants and calls on Congress to ‘strengthen requirements’ for asylum claims.”
Vice President Harris’s acceptance speech was also in lockstep with other DNC speakers who blamed Trump for blocking the bipartisan border bill. She said: “Donald Trump believes a border deal would hurt his campaign … So, he ordered his allies in Congress to kill the deal.” She promised to “bring back the bipartisan border security bill.” (Forbes, Aug. 23) Remember that this bill would severely limit asylum.
Undocumented workers and migrant families are often forced to flee countries around the globe because of unbearable conditions brought on by world imperialism and in the Western Hemisphere, mainly by U.S. imperialism. The U.S. exports unemployment and imposes sanctions and military coups that drive people to leave their homelands.
Although this was rarely mentioned at the conventions, undocumented workers contribute billions of dollars into federal, state and local taxes annually. Yet, because they lack legal status, they receive little, if any, of the benefits due them. Meanwhile, on farms, in construction and in many cities, they perform much of the work that was recognized in the early months of the Covid-19 pandemic as being essential to the functioning of society.
Big bosses aim to divide and exploit all workers
The ruling capitalist class knows it needs the labor of undocumented workers and is happy to superexploit them. But it is more important to the capitalists’
overall class interests to maintain divisions within the working class. The bosses rely on the strategy of divide and conquer, which means supporting propaganda that keeps workers pitted against one another – and especially on keeping workers who are citizens believing that the enemy is the migrant worker and not the boss.
Both U.S. capitalist political parties are fanning the flames of anti-immigrant frenzy to divide working-class voters and pander to backward segments of the electorate. The RNC platform explicitly dehumanizes migrants and has very little to say about permitting “legal” migration. While slightly less vile in their attacks on migrants, the DNC program sent a clear message that they are campaigning on a much more restrictive approach towards immigration than they did just four years ago.
Neither U.S. capitalist party represents the interests of the working class and oppressed peoples. While the Republican Party outright associates with fascist union busters like the Heritage Foundation, the Democratic Party presents itself as being more “pro-union” and at the same time puts forth an agenda that calls for the separation of migrant families and criminalization of undocumented workers.
Class-conscious revolutionaries understand that an injury to one worker is an injury to all working people. And this means regardless of possessing citizenship or the legal right to remain and work. Marxists know it is important to educate workers about the necessity of uniting with everyone in the working class and to reject the racist, anti-immigrant propaganda spewed by both capitalist parties that only serves the material interests of the employer class.
The late Russian revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin wrote compassionately about the significance of internationalist, working-class unity. In conclusion of his 1913 essay “Capitalism and Workers Immigration,” he wrote: “The bourgeoisie incites the workers of one nation against those of another in the endeavor to keep them disunited. Class-conscious workers, realizing that the break-down of all national barriers by capitalism is inevitable and progressive, are trying to help to enlighten and organize their fellow-workers.” (Pravda, Oct. 29, 1913)
Lenin’s approach, building working-class solidarity, is the way to confront the vicious xenophobic rhetoric of the RNC and the softer anti-migrant program of the DNC.
[isn] CONGRESSIONAL BLACK CAUCUS AND HAITIAN BRIDGE ALLIANCE HOST SECOND ROUNDTABLE ON ANTI-HAITIAN RHETORIC AND MISINFORMATION
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isn-request@lists.riseup.net
en nombre de
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Egberto Off The Record;
Begin forwarded message:
From: "Josh Stehlik, National Immigration Law Center" <info@nilc.org>
Over 50 years ago The Black Panther Party was formed. The organization represented the model for revolutionary Black politics and organizations for multiple generations. Today, social justice movements, organizers and activists continue to study and model their activities, identity and ideology after the Panthers. The political and cultural impact of The Black Panther Party has even inspired Hollywood and pop culture icons to appropriate their image and style for profit.
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